マリヤ

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マリヤ（Maliya）は青銅器時代のヒッタイト人が崇拝していた女神である。マリヤは川を神格化したものである可能性が高いが、庭園や職人技、特に革細工や大工仕事にも関連していた。マリヤに関する最も古い記録は、カネシュの古アッシリア文書で確認される。カネシュは、後世の伝承でもマリヤとの関係が続いているが、マリヤはハットゥッサやヒッタイト帝国の他の場所でも崇拝されていた。また、キッズワトナの文書にも登場し、クマンニに寺院があり、フルリの神々と一緒に崇拝されていたことがわかる。

前1千年紀のリュキアの文書に登場する同名の女神が、ヒッタイトのマリヤに相当するものと推測されている。マリヤはロディアポリスやリュキアの他の都市でも崇拝され、戦いの女神であったかもしれない。マリス（Malis）はリュディア語の資料やギリシャの文献で知られているが、ほとんどの著作者はマリヤ（Maliya）の派生語であると想定している。レスボス島の文章には、マリヤが機織りをしていたと書かれている。リュキア語やリディア語のマリヤは、ギリシャ語のアテーナーに相当すると考えられていたが、両者の対応関係がどのように確立されたかは、研究者の間で議論が続いている[私注 1]。マリスは、ギリシャの文献では、ハイラスを誘拐したナイアスの一人の名前として、あるいは女王オンファレの奴隷として残されている。

前二千年紀

マリヤはもともとカネシュ（現在のキュルテペ）の神殿に属していた[1][2]。 彼女の名前の最も古い記録は、この地の古アッシリアの文書に登場する女性の名前（例えばMaliawasḫ）とトポニム（例えばMalitta）である[3][4]。

マリヤは楔形文字で彼女の名前が時折決定詞ÍDで綴られることから、もともと同じ名前を持つ川の女神であったと推測されている[5][6]。マリヤ川は、歴史上フリギアのパルテニオス（Παρθένιος）か、カッパドキアのカエサレア近くのメラス（Μέλας）に相当するのではないかという説が唱えられている[7]。名前の語源は不明である[8][私注 2]。過去にマリヤは「ルウィ起源」と見なすことができると主張されたが[9]、マンフレート・ハッターのより最近の研究によれば、彼女はルウィ起源ではないという[10]。 カルバート・ワトキンスは、彼女の名前を、ヒッタイト語とルヴィア語の両方で証明されている「内なる力」または「精神力」という名詞、māl-と結びつけることを提案している[11][私注 3]。この語源は、メアリー・R・バッハヴァロヴァも認めている[12]。マチルダ・セランゲリは、マリヤの名前を同様の仮定に基づいて「思考の女神」と解釈している[13]。初期の研究では、マリヤの起源はカッシートの神であることを証明する試みがなされた[14]。

ヒッタイト語録

マリヤの崇拝はヒッタイトの支配下のアナトリアでも続き[15]、ヒッタイトの様々な資料でよく証明されている[16]。ヒッタイトの伝統では、彼女は水、特に川と関連していた[17]。目録（KUB 38.33；裏面5行目）には、マリヤの鉄製像が記載されており、女性の河の神と説明されている[18]。また、マリヤは庭の女神としても機能していた[19]。"庭園のマリヤ "は、テキストKUB 42.23に記載されており、彼女を "ワインと穀物の母 "と述べている[20]。この女神の位格は、植生神テリピヌと一緒に供物を受け取っていた[21]。植物の成長を司る女神として、イナラや川の女神シャヒリヤ（Šaḫiriya）と一緒に呼び出されることもあった[22]。トゥドハリヤ4世（在位：紀元前1240年頃 - 紀元前1215年頃）の治世の供物リストには、マリヤという山の神が記載されており、おそらく他のヒッタイト文書で知られているマリマリヤ（Malimaliya）と同定されるであろう[23]。しかし、後者は男性の神である[24]。トルコのトカトの北東にあるマムダーという山がそれにあたるかもしれない[25]。また、マリヤが革職人と関係があったという証拠もある[26]。ハットゥサのアシュサ門の近くにある小川には、彼女を慕う皮革職人やなめし革職人のコミュニティがあった[27]。IBoT3.1には、高位の革職人が王家の夫婦の前で行われたマリヤの酒宴の際に、香水を入れるための容器（talla/-）を献上したことが記されている[28]。また、マリヤと大工の関係も記録されている[29]。 「大工のマリヤ」は、サッルンタッシ（Salluntassi）という町の神の一柱であった[30]。

ヒッタイトの宗教では、マリヤは伝統的にカネシュの都市と関係があり、ネシテ語（ヒッタイト語）で歌う「カネシュの歌い手」がマリヤに捧げる数々の儀式に関与していた[31]。カネシュの神々がヒッタイト宗教の最古の層を形成したとされるが[32]、後の祭祀における「カネシュの神」群は、もともと様々な伝統に属する神々の集合体であり、全体としては必ずしもヒッタイト最古の神殿の構成を反映していなかった可能性がある[33]。ハットゥサの最古の資料では、マリヤの信仰は家庭的な性格を持っていたようだが、ヒッタイト帝国が勃興した後は、王家の儀式の文脈にも登場するようになった[34]。例えば、支配者の家に幸運をもたらし、跡継ぎを保証するための祭りにまつわる文章や[35]、苦しむ請願者を助けるためにネリクの天候神とともに呼び出される祈りの中で言及されている[36]。トゥドハリヤ4世の時代には、カネシュの他の神々と同様に、彼女に関する中心的な場所は、この都市のいわゆる「大寺院」であった[37]。イスタヌワでは、マリヤをはじめ、ピルワ、アスカセパなどの神々も祀られていた[38]。フラサでは、地元の嵐神MマリヤとdU.GUR（この文脈では、レルワニの円環から来たハッティ神話の神ジリプリ（Zilipuri）の名前の対語綴り、またはより信憑性の低いメソポタミアの神ネルガル）から成る別のグループが崇拝されていたようである[39]。



In Hittite religion Maliya was traditionally associated with the city of Kanesh, and a "singer of Kanesh", who sung in the "Nesite" (Hittite) language was involved in a number of ceremonies dedicated to her. It is assumed that the Kaneshite deities formed the oldest stratum of Hittite religion, but it is possible that the later group of "gods of Kanesh" in rituals was a conglomerate of deities originally belonging to various traditions and that as a whole it did not necessarily reflect the composition of the earliest Hittite pantheon. In the oldest sources from Hattusa, Maliya's cult seemingly had a domestic character, but she also appears in the context of royal rituals after the rise of the Hittite Empire. She is mentioned for example in a text pertaining to a festival meant to secure good fortune for the house of a ruler and to guarantee him an heir and a prayer in which she is invoked alongside the Weather god of Nerik to help suffering petitioners. During the reign of Tudḫaliya IV the central location associated with her, as well as with the other deities of Kanesh, was the so-called "Great Temple" in this city. Deities from this group, including Maliya, as well as Pirwa and Askašepa, were also worshiped in Ištanuwa. A different group, consisting of Maliya, a local storm god and dU.GUR (in this context possibly a logograpic spelling of the name of Zilipuri, a Hattian chthonic god from the circle of Lelwani, or less plausibly the Mesopotamian god Nergal) was seemingly worshiped in Ḫulaša. The existence of a city named after Maliya in Hittite times, while suggested in older literature, is now considered unproven.テンプレート:Sfn

Maliya was commonly associated with Kamrušepa, the goddess of magic and midwifery.テンプレート:Sfn In a narrative introduction to a healing formula, Maliya is one of the deities who make sure the information about the patient's state reaches Kamrušepa.テンプレート:Sfn In other Hittite sources, Maliya is accompanied by helpers known as Maliyanni, whose name is the plural of a diminutive form of her own name, Maliyanna, "little Maliya".テンプレート:Sfn According to Volkert Haas, similarly to other groups of deities whose names were constructed analogously, such as Ninattanni (Ninatta and Kulitta) or Šarrumanni, they should be considered a group of two.テンプレート:Sfn Piotr Taracha assumes that they were hypostases of Maliya herself.テンプレート:Sfn In one case, they appear in a ritual meant to secure the prosperity of a vineyard.テンプレート:Sfn Comparisons have been made between them and later Greek nymphs.テンプレート:Sfnテンプレート:Sfn Another group of deities associated with Maliya were the "male gods of Maliya" (dmaliyaš DINGIR.LÚMEŠ), presumed to be minor deities comparable to the concept of genius loci linked to specific natural features, for example rivers and springs, and possibly patterned on Hurrian traditions which reached the Hittite Empire through Kizzuwatna.テンプレート:Sfn

Luwian attestations

Maliya was incorporated into Luwian religion, and is one of the best attested goddesses worshiped by Luwians.テンプレート:Sfnテンプレート:Sfn Manfred Hutter assumes the information about her character provided by Hittite text can be assumed to apply to her in Luwian context as well.テンプレート:Sfn While according to Piotr Taracha it is incorrect to assume a single Luwian pantheon existed, some deities, including her, as well as the likes of Kamrušepa, Tarhunt, Tiwad, Arma, Iyarri and Šanta were nonetheless worshiped by all Luwian communities.テンプレート:Sfn She is best attested in texts from the south of Anatolia.テンプレート:Sfn She appears in Luwian context in sources from the basin of Zuliya (modern Çekerek River), though individual place names related to her are not preserved in most known documents.テンプレート:Sfn She is also present in an enumeration of deities of an unknown presumably Luwian city known from a Hittite offering list from the beginning of the imperial period.テンプレート:Sfn

Kizzuwatnean attestations

Maliya was also worshiped in the "Hurrianized" religion of Kizzuwatna, where she had a temple in the city of Kummanni.テンプレート:Sfn A partially preserved text states that it also housed the statues of six groups of other deities, including Ninatta and Kulitta, Hutena and Hutellura, a dyad referred to as Tiyabenti, Kuzzina-Kuzpazena, Kunizizi (paired with a deity whose name does not survive) and Ānnaliya (possibly mentioned alongside Ishara).テンプレート:Sfn Kuzzina-Kuzpazena were a group of Hurrian deities associated with her in local tradition.テンプレート:Sfn According to Volkert Haas, they most likely functioned as her helpers.テンプレート:Sfn

In the texts from the reign of Puduḫepa which describe the annual ḫišuwa festival meant to guarantee the well being of the royal family, Maliya is listed alongside other deities of Kummiya: "Teshub Manuzi", Lelluri, Ishara, Allani and a pair of manifestations of Nupatik.テンプレート:Sfn Sussane Görke argues her presence in this text might be a result of Luwian influence, though she also remarks very little other evidence for it can be identified.テンプレート:Sfn The entire ceremony lasted nine days.テンプレート:Sfn Maliya is mentioned in the end of the tablet dealing with the second day,テンプレート:Sfn where a ritual ablution of her statue as well as a clothing ceremony during which it received a red garment and belt is described.テンプレート:Sfn Another one, describing the third day, mentions rites taking place in her temple.テンプレート:Sfn One of them involved a divine horse, Erama.テンプレート:Sfn

First millennium BCE

While many deities belonging to various Bronze Age Anatolian pantheons ceased to be worshiped in the Iron Age,テンプレート:Sfn it is presumed to be derivatives of Maliya continued to be worshiped through the first millennium BCE.テンプレート:Sfnテンプレート:Sfnテンプレート:Sfn However, the connection between second and first millennium BCE evidence is not universally accepted, and due to apparent lack of similar functions Calvert Watkins argued the Hittite Maliya and similarly named later deities merely had homophonous names.テンプレート:Sfn Ian Rutherford, who unlike Watkins considers it plausible that the first millennium Maliya was identical with the goddess known from earlier sources, also stresses that her character is not identical.テンプレート:Sfn

Lycian attestations

Many attestations of Maliya are available from Lycia, where she was regarded as the tutelary goddess of Rhodiapolis.テンプレート:Sfn In this city, she was known under the epithet Wedrenni, while in Phelos she was called Eriyupama, possibly either "the highly exalted" or "who overcame the enemy", with the latter interpretation making it possible to interpret her as a warlike goddess.テンプレート:Sfn Trevor R. Bryce notes the view that the Lycian form of Maliya possessed such a role is also supported by an inscription from Xanthos and by a sarcophagus lid depicting her alongside Amazons in a battle scene.テンプレート:Sfn Maliya is also referenced in the tomb inscription of a certain Iyamara, which might designate him as the priest of this goddess.テンプレート:Sfn In some of the Lycian cities, Maliya was worshiped alongside the local weather god, Trqqas.テンプレート:Sfn

In Lycian tradition the Greek goddess Athena was understood as analogous to Maliya.テンプレート:Sfn The assimilation of the two might have been originally politically motivated, with a local dynasty aiming to adhere to a Greek cultural model.テンプレート:Sfn An inscription on a silver vase from Pithom decorated with a depiction of the judgment of Paris labels an Athena-like goddess as Maliya.テンプレート:Sfn The other figures are referred to with Lycian spellings of their Greek names, Pedrita (Aphrodite) and Aliχssa (Alexander = Paris).テンプレート:Sfn It is commonly assumed that the correspondence between Maliya and Athena relied on both goddesses having a Polias aspect, but the interpretation of the former's local epithet Wedrenni as "of the city" is now regarded as implausible in the light of discovery of Lycian terms for a city (teteri and minna, rather than wedri, the latter possibly meaning "country") and according to Eric Raimond a possibility is that it relied on analogous warlike function indicated respectively by the titles Eriyupama and Ptoliporthos ("who sacks cities", applied to Athena in the inscription on the Xanthian Obelisk).テンプレート:Sfn Ian Rhuterford instead assumes the equation might have been based on the influence of Rhodes, where Athena was a commonly worshiped deity (especially in Lindos), on Lycian culture of the fifth century BCE.テンプレート:Sfn A second possibility he considers is their shared characters as crafts goddesses.テンプレート:Sfn Matilde Serangeli, relying on a proposed etymology of Maliya's name, argues the equation might have been based on the connection between the meaning of her name, possibly connected to terms such as "thought" or "mental strength", with Athena's well attested role as a goddess of wisdom.テンプレート:Sfn

Lydian attestations

It is agreed that Maliya was a forerunner to the Lydian goddess Malis.テンプレート:Sfnテンプレート:Sfn She was understood as analogous to Greek Athena, as indicated by a Greek-Lydian bilingual text from Pergamon and by a number of literary references identified in works of authors such as Hipponax and Hesychius.テンプレート:Sfn The aforementioned bilingual is one of the only Lydian texts which were not found in the proximity of Sardis, and is substantially later than the rest of the corpus, with the most estimates dating it to the late fourth century BCE, specifically to the period between 330 and 325 BCE based on the fact that it mentions that a certain Paitaras was a donor responsible for funding the column it was inscribed on, erected during the construction of the local temple of Athena.テンプレート:Sfn Paitaras is not known from any other sources, though the fact his dedication is bilingual might indicate that Pergamon had an influential and prosperous Lydian community at the time.テンプレート:Sfn

While Greek literary tradition presents the kings of Lydia as sponsors of the cult of Athena, she does not appear in sources from Sardis predating the rule of the Attalid dynasty (180 - 133 BCE) and therefore it has been proposed that such attestations can reflect traditions pertaining to the cult of Malis from before the period of Hellenization.テンプレート:Sfn

Greek attestations

Multiple references to Malis are also known from Greek sources.テンプレート:Sfn Based on attested Greek spellings of her name is presumed Greek authors learned about her from Lydian sources, rather than Lycian or Luwian.テンプレート:Sfn However, the degree to which they were familiar with her remains uncertain.テンプレート:Sfn Ian Rutherford compares her case to that of Sandas,テンプレート:Sfn and with less certainty to Kubaba, who also retained a degree of relevance after the second millennium BCE, and continued to be referenced in Greek texts.テンプレート:Sfn

A literary fragment from Lesbos portrays Malis (Μᾶλις) as a weaver, and according to Annick Payne might be an indication the goddess was also worshiped by Greeks.テンプレート:Sfn Rutherford notes that if this description reflects an Anatolian tradition, it might have been the reason behind the frequent equation between Malis and Athena, though he also considers it possible that it was a Greek invention relying on a preexisting equation.テンプレート:Sfn At the same time, he tentatively speculates that since the myth of Arachne is not recorded in sources predating Ovid, according to whom the contest between the mythical weavers took place in Hypaepa in Lydia, it might have originally been a Lydian myth about Malis, if the hypothesis that she was a weaver goddess is accepted.テンプレート:Sfn Payne in her analysis of available evidence notes that a figurine of a weaver in Lydian headwear found at Ephesus might also be evidence of Greek worship of Malis as a deity of such character.テンプレート:Sfn Hipponax, an early Greek poet who apparently spoke both Greek and Lydian, left behind a short invocation addressed to Malis (Μαλὶς): テンプレート:Quotation

ファイル:John William Waterhouse - Hylas and the Nymphs (1896).jpg
Hylas and the Nymphs (1896) by John William Waterhouse

A water nymph (naiad) named Malis (Μαλίς) is attested in Theocritus' Idylls.テンプレート:Sfn Alongside two other nymphs, Eunika and Nicheia,テンプレート:Sfn she resided in Kios on Propontis, and together they were responsible for the abduction of Hylas.テンプレート:Sfn Ian Rutherford notes that view that Malis was a river nymph appears to align with the original role of Maliya as a river goddess.テンプレート:Sfn Sophocles in the play Philoctetes mentions a plurality of nymphs with a similar name,テンプレート:Sfn Maliades (Μαλιάδες) from the river Spercheios.テンプレート:Sfn However, according to Rutherford, they are most likely not related to the singular Malis, and should be assumed to be connected to Malis in Greece instead.テンプレート:Sfn

In a different Greek tradition Malis, while associated with Lydia, was only regarded as a slave of Omphale, a mythical queen of this realm.テンプレート:Sfnテンプレート:Sfn This view can be found in the works of Stephanus of Byzantium and Hellanikos.テンプレート:Sfn According to the latter of these two authors, she had a son with Heracles, Akeles, which might reflect a tradition in which the goddess Malis was worshiped alongside Sandas, an Anatolian god identified with the Greek hero, though there is no certain evidence in favor of this interpretation,テンプレート:Sfn and no known texts from the second millennium BCE associate them with each other.テンプレート:Sfn

Attempts have been made to connect the supposed theonym Damalis, present in Life and Miracles of Saint Thecla from the first century CE alongside Sandas, to Malis, but they are not regarded as plausible, and the "city of Sandas and Damalis" mentioned in this text might be a reinterpretation of Dalisandos in Isauria.テンプレート:Sfn

References

関連項目

私的注釈

  1. ↑ 管理人は個人的には「植物の母」であるマリヤは、「植物（熊）の母」であるガリアの女神アルティオと同一視されており、そのアルティオがギリシア神話のアテーナーに相当する女神なのだと考える。マリヤのトーテムも本来は「熊」だったのではないだろうか。
  2. ↑ マリヤの語源は中国神話の女媧であると管理人は考える。
  3. ↑ これはギリシアではプシューケーに相当する、ということにならないだろうか。

参照

  1. ↑ Frantz-Szabó, 1987, p=304
  2. ↑ Watkins, 2007, p123
  3. ↑ Wegner, 1981, p214
  4. ↑ Frantz-Szabó, 1987, p305
  5. ↑ Schwemer, 2022, p376
  6. ↑ Barsacchi, 2016, p9
  7. ↑ Serangeli, 2015, p377
  8. ↑ Frantz-Szabó, 1987, p305
  9. ↑ Wegner, 1981, p215
  10. ↑ Hutter, 2003, p231
  11. ↑ Watkins, 2007, p124
  12. ↑ Bachvarova, 2016, p447
  13. ↑ Serangeli, 2015, pp385-386
  14. ↑ Frantz-Szabó, 1987, p305
  15. ↑ Frantz-Szabó, 1987, p304
  16. ↑ Payne, 2019, p242
  17. ↑ Rutherford, 2020, p331
  18. ↑ Taracha, 2009, p115
  19. ↑ Haas, 2015, p410
  20. ↑ Taracha, 2009, p115-116
  21. ↑ Schwemer, 2022, p376
  22. ↑ Haas, 2015, p479
  23. ↑ Haas, 2015, pp410-411
  24. ↑ Haas, 2015, p496
  25. ↑ Frantz-Szabó, 1987, p305
  26. ↑ Steitler, 2019, p131
  27. ↑ Taracha, 2009, p132
  28. ↑ Steitler, 2019, pp131-132
  29. ↑ Rutherford, 2020, p331
  30. ↑ Cammarosano, 2015, p216
  31. ↑ Taracha, 2009, p30
  32. ↑ Barsacchi, 2016, p9
  33. ↑ Archi, 2010, p32
  34. ↑ Taracha, 2009, p115
  35. ↑ Taracha, 2009, p51
  36. ↑ Haas, 2015, p607
  37. ↑ Taracha, 2009, p133
  38. ↑ Taracha, 2009, pp116-117
  39. ↑ Barsacchi, 2016, p10
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